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Development Communication in Sustainable Land Administration Practices in the Federal Capital territory (FCT) Abuja
The findings of this research will provide valuable recommendations for the FCTA to implement a people- friendly land administration policy. |
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Abstract
This study explores the critical role of development communication in promoting sustainable land administration practices within the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja. As Nigeria’s capital continues to expand, the challenges surrounding effective land management have become increasingly complex and contentious. This paper adopts an exploratory approach, drawing insights from both observation and an extensive review of existing literature to investigate the underlying causes of persistent inefficiencies and disputes in land administration across the FCT. The findings reveal that inconsistent policies and abrupt changes introduced by successive administrations, often without adequate consultation or inclusion of key stakeholders, have significantly undermined efforts toward sustainable land governance. These topdown approaches, perceived by many residents and experts as insensitive or disconnected from on-the-ground realities, have led to widespread dissatisfaction, confusion, and in some cases, displacement. The paper argues that incorporating development communication strategies that prioritize dialogue, transparency, and community engagement is essential for creating more inclusive, equitable, and enduring land administration systems in the FCT.
Introduction
The challenges of land administration in Nigeria’s Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, continue to spark pressing debates and generate widespread concern among citizens, policymakers, and development stakeholders. This paper presents a pilot study that explores the role of Development Communication (DevCom) in fostering sustainable land administration practices within the FCT. It forms part of a broader inquiry into how participatory communication strategies can address the deep-rooted issues of land governance, equity, and urban planning in the nation’s capital. According to Carrilho, et al. (2024) Effective participation of stakeholders is necessary to yield land use plans that address all the social, cultural, economic, environmental and institutional dimensions of sustainability, where the tension between the collective and individual interests manifest. Effective participation in tends to ensure that local constraints and limitations are identified, exclusion areas and easements are correctly understood, making rights recordation informative and able to provide sufficient and informed security of tenure, before fully registered land titles, making pro-poor cadastre a dynamic land administration process.
Over the years, Abuja has grown rapidly from a planned administrative center into a sprawling metropolis, attracting migrants from across the country in search of economic opportunities and better living conditions. However, this growth has come at a significant cost—particularly to the urban poor, who often find themselves marginalized in matters of land ownership and access. Securing land or decent housing within the Area Councils, let alone the city center, remains a herculean task for many, with affordability and accessibility presenting insurmountable barriers for a large portion of the population. On Earth, land is the most vital resource from which living things derive their essential necessities. There are many methods for managing and maintaining this vital resource in a sustainable manner, but it is more important to first understand the root cause of malfunctioning land management strategies (Azadi, et al. 2021).
A critical point of tension lies in the ongoing struggle between indigenous communities and government authorities such as the Federal Capital Development Authority (FCDA) and, at times, the military. These conflicts, particularly in areas along the airport road, have frequently escalated into public demonstrations, road blockades, and even violent clashes. Local media reports have documented several of these incidents, some of which have resulted in tragic losses of life and destruction of property— disrupting not only community life but also daily activities for commuters and residents.
Beyond these confrontations, another major issue affecting land administration in the FCT is the pervasive problem of land racketeering. Dishonest and illegal land transactions—often facilitated by some unscrupulous individuals in the society who takes advantage of the complex land administration in the FCT— This practice have eroded public trust in the system and contributed to a chaotic and unjust land allocation process. Many residents believe that the FCDA and other authorities have failed to adopt a holistic and inclusive approach to governance, one that ensures transparency, accountability, and fairness in land matters. According to the Federal Capital Territory Act of 1976, the ownership of land within the territory is vested absolutely in the Government of the Federation. Despite this legal framework, the reality on ground tells a different story, one marked by inconsistencies, confusion, and a lack of stakeholder inclusion. A significant cause of this disconnect can be traced to frequent policy summersaults by successive governments, which have undermined the original vision of the Abuja Master Plan and created uncertainty among residents and landowners alike ( Jibril, 2006).
From the 1976 FCT Resettlement Policy, which aimed to enforce “equal citizenship” by compensating and relocating original inhabitants, to the various iterations and reversals in subsequent years—including the partial resettlement of some, integration of others, and abrupt reallocation of resettlement sites—policy decisions have often been made without adequate engagement of the people most affected. For instance, Garki Village, now within the heart of the city, is still home to indigenes left largely to their fate. Meanwhile, places like Jabi, Kado, and Gwarinpa were designated for resettlement, but shifting political priorities saw those areas reassigned to civil servants and security personnel, especially during election seasons (Jibril, 2006).
These inconsistencies and the exclusionary nature of policymaking have hindered the development of a truly inclusive and equitable capital city. Instead of fostering national unity, Abuja has become a contested space where development is perceived by many as imposed rather than participatory. In other climes like Syria, the importance of instituting a knowledge-based land administration system emerges to guarantee housing, land, and property rights issues and support sustainable development. Therefore, the reconstruction process is done by updating geodetic infrastructure to keep in touch with advanced geo spatial technologies and address property-related issues that may hamper economic and social promotion. On the other side, this transition in post conflict Syria requires effective and meaningful participation from all relevant stakeholders to put forth suggestions to solve many legal, political, and technical matters (Maan, 2022).
It is against this backdrop that this paper advocates for the integration of Development Communication (DevCom) as a strategy to improve land governance in the FCT. DevCom emphasizes dialogue, mutual understanding, and the active participation of all stakeholders— particularly marginalized groups—in shaping policies that affect their lives. By applying these principles, government institutions can move beyond topdown decision-making and begin to cultivate trust, transparency, and shared ownership of development outcomes.
Ultimately, the aim of this study is to demonstrate how Development Communication can serve as a transformative tool in creating a more sustainable, inclusive, and humane approach to land administration in Abuja. Through meaningful engagement, the people of the FCT—whether native or settler, poor or elite—can contribute to building a capital city that reflects the collective aspirations of all Nigerians. This is further supported by the work of Akintunde (2025), were he recommended that the Nigerian government should going forward adopt the principles of democratic land governance by giving voice to the citizens through their representative in the administration of land. Deploy the instrumentality of technology towards achieving a seamless land administration process, particularly the internet. Addressing the inequalities in the rights, duties and obligations of property owners under the extant laws. Reduce the financial burdens and multi-taxational dimensions to land administration process. Work towards a unified land right and administration, e,g, express/ deemed rights; state/local government dichotomy. Review the administration of the revocation and compensation regime under the present laws. Look towards state-backed title registration process rather than the current deed registration system for title reliability and validity
Statement of the Problem
In theory, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, was envisioned as a symbol of unity and a model city representing Nigeria’s national aspirations. However, in practice, its land administration system has become a troubling reflection of deeper governance challenges that continue to hinder inclusive and sustainable development. At the heart of this problem is a persistent disconnect between government institutions and the very people whose lives are most affected by land policies and planning decisions.
For many residents of the FCT—especially the urban poor and original inhabitants— access to land and housing has become increasingly difficult. The cost of securing land legally is often out of reach, and alternative methods are frequently blocked by bureaucracy, corruption, or even force. Numerous reports have emerged detailing conflicts between indigenous communities and government authorities such as the Federal Capital Development Authority (FCDA) and the military, especially in high-value areas along the airport road. These conflicts have resulted in protests, road blockades, prolonged traffic disruptions, and, tragically, at times, loss of lives and destruction of property.
Beyond physical clashes, another layer of complexity is introduced by the widespread issue of land racketeering— where land is fraudulently sold or allocated, often with the involvement of insiders within government agencies. Such practices have further eroded public trust in the institutions responsible for urban planning and land governance. For many, the idea of fairness and transparency in land allocation feels like a distant dream.
One of the most pressing issues is the frequent policy summersaults—sudden and often unexplained changes in land policy by successive governments. These policy shifts have ranged from full resettlement strategies to partial integration, and back again—leaving residents confused, displaced, or trapped in legal limbo. Communities like Garki, Jabi, and Kado have experienced firsthand the human cost of inconsistent policymaking, with resettlement plans abandoned mid-way or co-opted for other purposes, including political patronage and security accommodation (Jibril, 2006)
What is glaring in all of this is the lack of participation. Land administration decisions are too often made behind closed doors, with minimal input from affected communities, local leaders, or civil society actors. People are told what will happen to them—rather than being part of the conversation about what should happen. This top-down approach fuels resentment, deepens inequality, and weakens the potential for sustainable, people-centered urban development.
This study recognizes the urgent need for a new approach—one that centers Development Communication (DevCom) as a strategic tool for bridging the gap between government agencies and the communities they serve. Development Communication, rooted in participation, dialogue, and mutual respect, has the potential to transform the way land governance is carried out in the FCT. By genuinely listening to people, involving them in decisions, and building policies that reflect shared goals, the FCT can begin to address the root causes of its land administration crisis.
Research Objectives
This study sets out to achieve the following objectives:
1. To explore and analyze the root causes of poor land administration in the FCT, with a focus on how inconsistent government policies and lack of stakeholder involvement have contributed to the current challenges.
2. To understand the real-life experiences of residents affected by land conflicts, including indigenous communities, low-income earners, and others who face barriers in accessing and securing land legally.
3. To investigate the extent to which Development Communication can be used as a strategic tool to foster more inclusive, transparent, and participatory land governance in the FCT.
4. To examine past and present landrelated policies and their impact on community relations and urban planning, with particular attention to how decisions were communicated and received by the public.
5. To propose a communication-based framework that places communities at the center of land administration decisions, encouraging dialogue, accountability, and shared ownership of urban development initiatives.
Research Questions
Based on the context and objectives outlined above, the study seeks to answer the following key questions:
1. What are the fundamental challenges affecting land administration in the Federal Capital Territory, and how do they impact different groups of residents— particularly the marginalized?
2. How have successive government policies on land resettlement, integration, and compensation contributed to confusion, conflict, and distrust among stakeholders in the FCT?
3. To what extent are residents and stakeholders currently engaged in the processes of land policy formulation, implementation, and monitoring in the FCT?
4. How can Development Communication strategies, such as dialogue, participatory planning, and community consultation be applied to improve land governance in the FCT?
5. What would a sustainable, communication-driven model of land administration look like in the FCT, and how can it be implemented in a way that respects local knowledge, promotes equity, and builds long-term trust?
The role of development communication in sustainable development
Before the move of the Federal Capital Territory from Lagos to Abuja, Development Communication has been used in various places to assist in the realization of sustainable development. DevCom as a field started in the early 1960s and it was first applied to “nation building” rural development, agricultural extension, health and sanitation, as well as family planning. It is the planned use of communication processes and media products to support effective policymaking, public participation and project implementation geared towards social, economic, political and ecological development. It provides opportunity were two-way social interaction process enables the people concerned to understand key factors and their interdependencies and to respond to problems in a complete manner (Manfred, 2006).
Best practice all over the world for a campaign were people would be informed about initiative at hand, its goal, ways of working, its benefit and the way through which local people and groups can become involved and gain from it wrong perception about the initiative should be dealt with first. The expected cost and information about what the initiative will and will not do should be incorporated with local institutions, schools NGOs, women’s group, community based organization, government, and cultural and religious institutions. In fact, to derive home the message, community meetings, street theater or political posters. It is observed that freely distributed information can help build trust between the management of the concept and local stakeholders, this will give rise to increase in the level of local awareness not just about the initiative but about the general state of local resources (Manfred, 2006).
Land governance for sustainable development
Study shows how despite the uniqueness of local system, the range of cognitive framework about land, and difficulties in transferring institutions, design of robust and successful Land Administration system is possible. Among the ten universally applicable principles for Land Administration system that stood out for this piece is about the engagement of people within unique social and institutional fabric of each country. This principle allows for an encompasses good governance, capacity building, institutional development, social interaction and a focus on users, not providers, a sustainable Land Administration should be reengineered to better serve the needs of users, such as citizens, government and business. Engagement with the society, and finding out how the people think about their land, are core to a successful Land Administration anywhere in the world. And in most parts of the world this can be done through good governance in decision making and implementation (Williamson, et al. 2010). Land is an essential component of household socioeconomic capital, especially in Africa, where agriculture supports most households. More importantly, secure access to land is critical. Long-term investments in sustainable livelihoods by rural households are required for sustainable agricultural development. Most African communities rely on land for survival, and land resources are the cornerstone of achieving many of the UNSustainable Development Goals (SDGs) . Moreover, securing land rights has been identified as an important strategy for achieving SDGs. The 2030 United Nations Development Goals, specifically Goal 1 (poverty), Goal 2 (hunger, food security, nutrition, and sustainable agriculture), Goal 5 (addressing gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls), and Goal 15 (issue on life on land), emphasize the importance of access to and control over land, as well as sustainable land management and associated resources. As a result, a modern land administration system, including formal land registration, titling, and certification, has been viewed as a prerequisite for ensuring property rights and agricultural development. Land tenure should be properly administered for positive societal changes by establishing formal land titling procedures. It is argued that tenure security has a positive impact on land investment by improving holding rights and providing a sense of stability, which encourages farmers to make sustainable land investments and increase yield (Gedefaw, 2023).
Theoretical framework
This study adopts the Participatory Communication Model as its guiding theoretical framework. Rooted in the broader philosophy of Another Development and the concept of multiplicity, this model emphasizes the centrality of people—their voices, cultural identities, lived experiences, and rights— as vital drivers of sustainable development. Unlike traditional top-down approaches to communication, the participatory model insists that development must be inclusive, people-centered, and shaped by those who are most directly affected by it. During the Nigeria’s national sodium reduction program, participants were invited through a purposive sampling of identified key actors at the federal, state, or local level who were knowledgeable or influential regarding dietary intake of the Nigerian population and were involved in various components of the priority actions. Participants were recruited from two states (Kano and Ogun) in Nigeria and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja. These states were chosen to align with states where the Nigerian Federal Ministry of Health (FMoH) and the WHO were already working to pilot the implementation of selected National MultiSectoral Action Plan (NMSAP) priority actions. Data were collected through focus group discussions (FGDs) and in-depth interviews (IDIs) between January 2021 and February 2021. Twenty three IDIs and 5 FGDs (n = 11) were conducted with health professionals (n = 10), federal, state, and local policymakers (n = 9), community leaders (n = 3), food industry (n = 3), inter national non-governmental organization (n = 3), food retailers/restaurant owners (n = 3), aca demia (n = 2), and food and drug regulatory body (1) (Sanuade, et al. 2023).
At its core, this model highlights the importance of democratization and engagement across all levels of society—international, national, local, and individual. It challenges the notion that communication should merely be used to transmit information to passive recipients. Instead, it advocates for strategies that emerge organically from the people themselves—the so-called “receivers” of development initiatives— who are, in fact, co-creators of progress.
This idea is powerfully captured by Paulo (1983), who argued that everyone has the right to “speak their word,” both individually and collectively. According to Paulo, this right is not a privilege reserved for a few, but a fundamental expression of human dignity. As he puts it, “no one can say a true word alone, nor can he say it for another in a prescriptive act which robs others of their words.” Development, therefore, must begin with listening—truly listening—to the people.
In any meaningful development effort, communication must foster trust, transparency, shared knowledge, and mutual respect. As emphasized by the International Commission for the Study of Communication Problems (1980), development requires new attitudes—ones that move beyond stereotypes and embrace diversity and pluralism. People must be seen not as passive beneficiaries, but as active participants with unique insights and experiences that can enrich the process.
Development Communication, through the participatory model, encourages reciprocal collaboration at all levels. It is not about “talking at” people or even “talking to” them—it’s about talking with them. It is about creating space for real dialogue, where community members, stakeholders, and change agents share ideas, voice concerns, and jointly decide on the best way forward.
Supporting this perspective, the Xavier Institute (1980) argues that genuine development must be anchored in faith in the people’s capacity to know what is best for themselves. Communities are not empty vessels waiting to be filled with knowledge—they carry generations of wisdom and resilience. Our role is to draw on that strength, not to override it.
Mayan-Julia, et al. (2020), also affirm that when beneficiaries are actively involved in all stages of a project—from planning to execution—they are more likely to take ownership. This sense of ownership transforms the perception of development initiatives from being “government-owned” to being communityowned, increasing the likelihood that such projects will be protected, maintained, and sustained in the long run.
Okunna (2002), reinforces this view by insisting that participation should go beyond sending feedback—it should involve people in decision-making itself. Development meetings, she argues, should not be platforms for announcing predecided plans, but interactive forums for co-creating solutions. True participation means giving communities the power to shape the outcomes that affect their lives.
Finally, Mefalopulos (2008), reminds us that even the most advanced technology or expertly packaged messages cannot achieve meaningful results unless stakeholders are actively engaged in the process. Sustainable development, he asserts, is not about how loudly we broadcast information, but about how deeply we listen and collaborate.
In sum, the participatory communication model offers a compelling framework for this study. It redefines development as a shared journey— where communication is not a tool for persuasion, but a bridge for understanding, empowerment, and lasting change.
An Empirical Study on Stakeholders’ Perspectives about the National Target Program for New Rural Development in Vietnam
This empirical study aims to shed light on the practical application of Development Communication as a strategy for participatory development, demonstrating how it has been successfully implemented in other parts of the world and how it has had a positive impact on rural areas. The study particularly focuses on the context of rural Vietnam, where the government launched a comprehensive National Target Program for New Rural Development. This program involved various stakeholders, ranging from government authorities at the national and local levels, to grassroots organizations such as the Youth Union, Women’s Union, Farmers’ Union, and local households and businesses, all of whom worked together to drive the successful execution of the program.
One of the primary findings of the study is the distinction between two broad groups of stakeholders involved in the project: the state actors (representing government authorities) and the people, which include local households and enterprises. The Resolution of the 7th Conference of the Central Party Committee on agriculture, farmers, and rural areas set the framework for implementing the national target program. This resolution emphasized the critical importance of local community participation as a key principle in the program’s execution.
From the perspective of government officials, the state plays an orienting role by establishing criteria, standards, policies, support mechanisms, staff training, and providing implementation guidance. However, it is the villages and commune-level communities that engage in democratic discussions, planning, and conducting specific activities in alignment with the central guidelines. Notably, the study revealed that the role of rural households, while important, does not always reflect the extent of their financial contributions to public-private partnership programs. Instead, the study advocates for a more comprehensive approach, recognizing the value of household participation in both the decision-making and implementation processes.
Several examples cited in the study illustrate how households have actively participated in various aspects of the new rural development initiative. This includes proposing community needs, supervising and implementing activities, sharing benefits, and reviewing performance indicators. The research also highlights that in some regions, the level of people’s participation has had a direct and positive effect on their contributions. For instance, communities that engaged in discussions, planning, and monitoring activities found that their participation led to higher levels of commitment, reducing costs and improving the quality of infrastructure built through the program (Nguyen, 2012).
Furthermore, the study draws upon the work of Doan (2017), who observed the varying levels of participation among residents in the Northern mountainous areas. In some places, participation ranged from simply attending project meetings (without being involved in decision-making) to more active roles, such as engaging in the decision-making process, providing labor, supervising projects, and even participating in the management and maintenance of infrastructure. These activities contributed to reducing construction costs, lowering the state’s financial burden, and ensuring that the constructed works met the actual needs of local communities.
However, the study also acknowledges that in some localities, the participation of people remains superficial, and the potential for full engagement has not yet been realized (Pham, 2017). This is particularly true in the pilot areas where the new rural development program has been implemented for several years, but awareness and understanding of its full scope remain limited. The study stresses that the objectives of the program should be extended to all localities across the country, not just the initial pilot areas. In certain regions, there has been a lack of consensus among stakeholders, leading to suboptimal outcomes in the implementation of the program.
According to a report by the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development (MARD, 2019), the efforts to mobilize and engage people in the program have been insufficient. One of the slogans, “the farmer is the subject,” has not been fully communicated or understood by many stakeholders. As a result, people have not been actively involved in the process or have waited for state support without fully participating. Similarly, the research of Duong (2014) highlighted that, in some regions, local officials and residents still do not fully appreciate the importance of the new rural development program or recognize the critical role of the people in its success.
A survey conducted by the Institute of Policy and Strategy for Agriculture and Rural Development (IPSARD, Hoang, 2014) further revealed some concerning statistics regarding people’s rights in the program. The survey found that only 68.1% of households reported having the right to voice their opinions about local planning and development schemes; only 55% felt they had the right to comment on the selection of projects; and 66.9% claimed to have the right to monitor project implementation. In some cases, even communes that met the official new rural standards were unaware that they had done so.
Additionally, research by Do (2016) pointed out that the low level of education in some rural areas remains a significant barrier to effective participation. Many people in remote locations lack access to communication tools or the necessary skills to express their views or understand complex processes, resulting in limited involvement in planning and implementation. Decentralization of decision-making from the central government to local levels, if properly executed, could help address these issues, increasing democracy and improving the overall effectiveness of the program (Nguyen and László, 2020).
In conclusion, the study underscores the importance of awareness, education, and active participation from all stakeholders for the successful implementation of the new rural development program. Stakeholders, particularly at the local level, need to better understand the program’s objectives, and their roles in it, to contribute meaningfully to its planning and implementation. Properly engaging communities and ensuring their involvement at every stage of the development process will be key to the program’s longterm success and sustainability.
Second empirical study that underscore the relevance of development communication in land management in Bhiwandi Mumbai
Datta and Hoefsloot (2025) assert that in 15 December 2023, citizens in the small textile town of Bhiwandi, located on the northern outskirts of Mumbai, gathered outside the Municipal Corporation building to demand the revocation of the Development Plan (DP) 2023–43. This plan, which had been developed following two years of consultation and assessment by private consultants, was still awaiting approval by the Bhiwandi Municipal Corporation. However, the process leading to its creation had been shrouded in secrecy – citizens, community leaders and local professionals had no opportunity to observe or provide feedback on the plan. Despite this, the municipality claimed to have conducted a comprehensive consultation process that resulted in the zoning and criteria for Bhiwandi’s future development. The DP 2023–43 was a significant milestone in Bhiwandi’s history and a source of pride for the municipality, which for several decades had been bypassed by Mumbai’s regional development plans. The corporation had struggled to cope with rapid ‘unplanned’ urbanisation in and around the town and often attributed this to its inability to ‘see’ territorial expansion using simple analogue survey methods. For the first time, the Bhiwandi Municipal Corporation had produced a DP (albeit with the help of private consultants) using relatively sophisticated digital technologies such as drones, remote sensing and geographic information system (GIS) mapping. These new spatial planning technologies were a watershed for a relatively small corporation that had been plagued by decades of mismanagement, resource shortages and limited capacity. So why were the citizens agitating? This development led to the study on informational peripheries. The month-long protests and sit-ins by citizen groups in Bhiwandi were directed at the informational gaps and inaccuracies in the DP that directly affected their lives and livelihoods. Their grievances were related to the use of digital technologies, which they claimed had misrepresented existing land use in Bhiwandi. Private consultants recruited by the municipality had used drones and camera-equipped cars to map the area, but they had been unable to enter the narrow alleys and lanes, leaving parts of the city unmapped and invisible in the DP. Further, they had relied on the outdated 2003 DP as the foundation for the new plan, despite the fact that Bhiwandi’s rapid urbanisation had not followed any of the zoning and development stipulations set out in earlier plans. Citizens demanded a return to physical survey methods of mapping existing land use in Bhiwandi and a process of citizen consultation to plan Bhiwandi’s future. The events in Bhiwandi illustrate the ways in which control over informational flows determines how territories are seen, represented and governed. Who has access to information, who gets to direct informational flows and who determines what sorts of information will flow – these are forms of power that are crucial to determining how urban futures will unfold. Informational power is arguably more significant than other forms of social, infrastructural or territorial power since it can be exerted simultaneously across physical, social and digital realms. Informational power is infrastructural, social, physical, representational and territorial. Those without informational power are peripheralised – they are denied agency over the urban transformations unfolding around them. In this book we refer to the diverse processes of peripheralisation evident in a digital age with the term ‘informational peripheries’. Following Datta (2023; 2024b, as cited in Data and Hoefsloot, 2025) we define ‘informational peripheries’ as a combination of digital, material, territorial, infrastructural and social marginalisations that emerge from informational control, redlining, manipulation and blockading. We argue that in a digital age, the periphery is more than just a geographical location. Seen through an informational lens, it emerges as a temporal construct that continually evolves across virtual and analogue spaces. Informational peripheries are determined by a lack of access to informational flows, as well as a relational positionality of expulsion from crucial informational exchanges across geographic space-times. They emerge from the residual spaces of flows, circuits and networks of information and the laws, policies and governance systems that channel information away from particular geographies. The informational periphery is fragmented, diffuse and dispersed and cannot be fixed or determined through simple cause-and-effect analysis. Secondly, informational peripheries It is entangled with regimes of capital, land transformations and infrastructural disconnections across several scales. The informational periphery, then, is a heuristic that stands for the digital-urban condition today. Because it cannot be fixed in location or time, informational peripheries are multitudinous, diverse and continually shape-shifting. The agitations of Bhiwandi’s citizens remind us that across the world, peripheral spaces and communities are becoming the experimental testbeds of new smart technologies for visualisation, mapping and urban governance. The rapid rise of sophisticated data-based technologies in public services in recent decades has been accompanied by skyrocketing investments in data-driven administrative reforms and an incredible growth in companies specialising in facilitating these services, including software developers, system architects and geo-information consultants. These reforms and investments are rationalised by calls to speed up service provision, achieve greater efficiency and gain deeper knowledge to anticipate future challenges (Coletta and Kitchin, 2017, as cited in Data and Hoefsloot, 2025) But the reach of these tools and their impacts often coincide with increased surveillance of the poor, the curtailment of opportunities to audit policies (Eubanks, 2018, as cited in Data and Hoefsloot 2025) and exploitation of people on the social-economicgeographic margins. This is not a coincidence, and the technologies for urban governance are not neutral. They emerge out of techno-capitalist projects and shape the politics and experiences of being and becoming ‘urban’ in a digital age. This book presents a case for ‘informational peripheries’ as an analytical lens for understanding the new configurations of urban digital peripheralisations. While the information revolution infiltrates all processes of governance and planning, informational peripheries become both drivers and outcomes of uneven urbanisation processes. The informational periphery is fraught with tensions between erasure/ inscription, inclusion/exclusion, (in) visibility and (dis)connectivity in an era when new digital technologies are seen as the future of planning and governance. In the informational periphery, social exclusions are marked by both geographic and informational distance from the state; it includes subjects that are uncountable as well as territories that are unmappable – digitally, socially and geographically. The informational periphery intersects with urban peripheries but also straddles geographic and informational spaces. It attends to diverse and heterogeneous forms of digitalised urbanisation that are taking shape across metropolitan regions in the Global South. The paper argues that, despite the challenges faced by those denied informational power, peripheralisation nonetheless offers possibilities for producing informational flows from below. For instance, during the COVID-19 pandemic, a collective of citizens living in Kibera, Nairobi’s largest informal settlement, formed Community Mappers. Initially focused on conducting community needs assessments and gauging the impact of the pandemic on young women, Community Mappers has grown beyond these goals. It is now a partner in generating data for infrastructural management within Kibera and has assisted in classifying satellite images to model deprived neighbourhoods across the city. The data collected by Community Mappers literally and figuratively puts Kibera on the map, drawing the attention of the state and supporting its claims to welfare provisions. In the case of Bhiwandi, the absence of spatial data leads to the exclusion of citizens from its urban futures represented on a map; in the case of Kibera, networked connectivity brings a marginal group within a geographic periphery closer to the state. Informational peripheries, then, are paradoxical spaces that are at once marked by invisibility, exclusion and marginalisation while at the same time being targeted for incorporation into the territory of the metropolitan city. They are materially and epistemologically located in the intersections of multiple imaginaries of the urban, the desire for governability and expansion. The periphery and processes of peripheralisation are not points on the map or linear transformations but anchors of the urban condition at different moments in time. From this perspective, urban spaces and urbanisation are shaped by global political economies, as well as by the small but continuous actions of people, as citizens, as engineers, or through the routine tasks of bureaucrats at work. This urges us to take a deeper look at the practices of accommodation and subversion in the making of the periphery. Data-based systems are ubiquitous in all these spaces, especially in the offices responsible for land, property and resource administration, low-wage and gig workplaces, and the management of public services and infrastructures. This requires thinking about urban transformation not as a singular or linear event but as a temporal and irregular process, oscillating in pace and progress. This book is a study of this fluid notion of informational peripheries emerging at the nodes of urbanisation, digitalisation and networked societies. As compared to a more topical subject – data – we suggest that informational peripheries are more than data marginalisations. Rather, we approach information as data that has been organised – to which certain logic has been applied to carry meaning and serve a purpose. In the current digitalising moment, the periphery is produced not just by data flows and blockades, but also by how information is leveraged towards political ends. Collectives of government, local consultants and global companies make maps of new regions for development based on data collected by digital technologies. Digital platforms and integrated databases store and analyse personal data, labour information and register records to control movement, calculate welfare and tax lands, often with poor safeguards regarding privacy and data security (Masiero and Das 2019; Hoefsloot and Gateri 2024, as cited in Data and Hoefsloot, 2025). These systems are being integrated into peripheral spaces at an astounding pace, with little political discussion about their impacts and who they serve. We suggest here that the periphery in a digital age needs to be understood through the lens of information – encompassing both its politics and its flows through people, spaces and technologies. This ‘urbanization of information’ (Shaw and Graham 2017, as cited in Data and Hoefsloot, 2025) means that informational power is simultaneously urban, social, political and technological – producing specific inequalities and exclusions across digital and analogue spaces. It fundamentally alters how we might begin to think about the notion of the periphery itself in a digital world. Periphery in a ‘digital turn’ There has been a renewed focus in urban and regional studies on the concept of ‘periphery’ and the processes of peripheralisation (Gururani 2024; Hauswedell et al. 2019; Phelps et al. 2023 as cited in Data and Hoefsloot, 2025). Stemming from Wallerstein’s world systems theory, which aimed to capture the geographical dualisms of the Global North versus the Global South, the urban core versus the periphery, and international divisions of labour within extractive and capitalist globalisation, the concept of the periphery has been translated, redefined, localised and critiqued within urban and development studies, research on knowledge production, sociology, and far beyond (el-Ojeili 2015, as cited in Data and Hoefsloot, 2025). In the Global South, conceptualisations of the periphery.
Methodology
The paper adopted the exploratory methodology, including comprehensive reviews of existing literature, to identify the gaps in knowledge. This emphasizes that the exploratory method involved a review process to pinpoint areas where further research is needed.
Conclusion
The current management approach to land administration by the Federal Capital Territory Authority (FCTA) in Abuja highlights a pressing need for a more inclusive strategy that addresses the aspirations of the urban poor regarding land ownership. The prevailing mindset that the government can single-handedly resolve these issues has marginalized the voices of key stakeholders, including local communities and ordinary citizens, in the decision-making processes related to development projects in the FCT. Recognizing the substantial financial burden on the government to develop the city, the FCTA has opted to sell land to estate developers. Unfortunately, this has led to the construction of properties that are often unaffordable for the average Nigerian, particularly civil servants. The high costs associated with renting or purchasing these properties have created a significant barrier to housing access for many residents.
In light of the current economic challenges facing the country and the specific context of Abuja, this research proposes the exploration of Development Communication strategies as a means to foster sustainable land administration in the FCT. The goal is to facilitate collaboration among various stakeholders, enabling them to contribute to the formulation of policies that prioritize the needs of the community and promote equitable access to land.
The findings of this research will provide valuable recommendations for the FCTA to implement a people-friendly land administration policy. By fostering a collaborative environment where stakeholders can share their insights and experiences, we envision an FCT that residents can take pride in, one that reflects their needs and aspirations, as supported by empirical evidence indicating that stakeholder awareness and understanding are crucial for the successful planning and execution of development programs. This research aims to contribute to the ongoing discourse on land administration in the Federal Capital Territory by advocating for a more participatory approach. By leveraging Development Communication strategies, we can work towards a sustainable and inclusive land administration system that empowers all residents of Abuja.
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The paper is originally published in Journal of Applied Ecology & Env. Design. This is published by Hummingbird Publications.
The paper can be cited as: Okpeke, P. O., Aransiola, Y. A., & Ikupolati, P. M. (2025). Development communication in sustainable land administration practices in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Abuja. Journal of Applied Ecology & Environmental Design, 9(4). https:// doi.org/10.70382/hujaeed.v9i4.014
The paper is republished with authors’ permission













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